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Requête devant le court des droits de l'homme (2)




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 « Tu m’as encore mis dans de beaux draps. »

The English version can be found here. 








Le soussigné a tenté de dénoncer juridiquement la différence de pouvoir entre l’univers financier et le reste de la société. Cette différence de pouvoir se manifeste sous la forme d’intérêts qui sont réclamés sur l’argent prêté, en plus du remboursement. Ceci rend impossible tout échange économique équilibré entre les parties et diffuse un signal hiérarchique selon lequel on doit gagner plus que la contribution que l’on a apportée. En cas d’application de manière chronique, ceci conduit à des concentrations de pouvoir verticales, au lieu de communications économiques horizontales fondées sur l’ « égalité » entre les personnes selon le droit constitutionnel. La hiérarchie sociale, qu’elle soit publique ou privée, se formera et se stabilisera verticalement à partir de ces différences de pouvoir. En Inde, on appelle ceci le système de castes, en Afrique du Sud l’apartheid, aux États-Unis la ségrégation, en Allemagne le fascisme, au sein de la religion ceci s’appelle la foi et au sein de l’économie nous nommons cela la science.


Le soussigné a tenté d’aborder cette question de manière informelle, dans une tentative de dialogue avec les pouvoirs publics néerlandais en 2006. Cette correspondance n’ayant abouti à rien, le soussigné a présenté une réclamation contre un avis d'imposition provisoire relatif à l’impôt sur les sociétés.


L’observation la plus intéressante de toute la procédure a été formulée par l’inspecteur du service des contributions, le 26 mars 2007 :


Le problème que vous abordez dépasse le cadre de cette réclamation.


Ceci a continué de planer au-dessus de toute la procédure et aucune des instances juridiques néerlandaises n’a eu le courage d’aborder le contenu de la problématique soulevée, éludant la question de manière juridico-technique afin de ne pas être contraintes de l’aborder sur son contenu.



On vie aujourd'hui dans une société qui ce désintègre, nous avons besoin une intégration (synthèse) des grand penseurs comme Adam Smith, Karl Marx et Montesquieu.

Pour lire le document tout entier;





Application before the European Court of Human Rights (6)

Sorry to those who waited a long time.

Part One

Part two

Part three 

Part four

Part five

The economic market is not merely a meeting of supply and demand, of goods and services. No, the economic market is also the supply and demand of safety and justice. By isolating ‘safety’ and ‘justice’ in institutes, the awareness that their essence can only be brought to life by individuals will easily fade. The market is also a meeting of politics and the judiciary and if these do not integrate within the market of goods and services, protectionism and economic apartheid will be the logical consequence.


Displayed in a diagram, this is as follows:



Financial world/dogmas and conditioning






the courts


This is, roughly, the description Montesquieu gave. Then, as now, the financial world was spared. It exists, in fact, as a law unto itself, which emerges clearly in a saying by M.A. Rothschild (1744 – 1812): “Give me control of the financial system and I don’t care who makes the laws.” Or, more recently, as said by head of investment bank Goldman Sachs, Mr Lloyd Blankfein, on 8 November 2009 in The Times newspaper: I am doing “God’s work”.


The diagram below shows how to redress balance and reciprocity in the contract between governments and the people. Here, the financial world has again been subordinated to governments, serving (economic means of communication) society instead of being in an unassailable position above all the parties (above the law) as is the case today:






Rights and duties of man
A curtailing of freedom and hence the burden on the individual and society.

No individual, country or institution can lay claim to exclusivity – here everyone is “equal”.








government administration

the courts

financial world/religions/science

day-to-day executive: individuals in society

the integration of the economy into democracy and the latter into the constitutional state


It forces governments and individuals to keep the foundations and the structures as simple as possible and to remain in contact with the ‘essence’ of co-existence, respecting the individual’s essential and responsible role in the whole and trying to reinforce it by giving it meaning.


Because money plays an almost all-defining and simultaneously uncontrollable role, the question is whether we are still able to gain a purchase on a common frame of reference. The cult of the winner that dominates politics, economy and sports represents the gap between people rather than bridging it. This winner’s mentality in our middle-class belief in profit and growth has something unbridled in it, and has no single framework within itself. Profit wants more profit, growth more growth, money wants more money. The winner will always find a way to win.


Hitler, the leader of the Nazi conspirators who are now on trial before you, is reported as having said, in reference to their war-like plans: "I shall give a propagandist cause for starting the war, never mind whether it be true or not. The victor shall not be asked later on whether he told the truth or not. In starting and making a war, not the right is what matters, but victory. The strongest has the right." 

  One of the prosecutors at the Nuremburg Tribunal

According to the undersigned, this is the dominant logic within the contemporary politico-economic system. War is to be replaced by competition and the extent of injustice is, of course, incomparable.

This brings me to the question whether within the Dutch constitutional state it is presumed that something automatically becomes a social truth if you secure a parliamentary majority for it.

If the answer is affirmative, then this system of justice can neither be independent nor can it function in relation to the whole. A fair trial is then open to all kinds of provisos, restrictions and fears, and there is little room for the spirit of the law, conscience and individuality in relation to the whole.

It is conditioning that rules in that case, often out of fear, and we are not permitted to call it into question. It goes without saying that the issue in this application that is brought before the court goes further than the Dutch government, the undersigned and the European Court. However, the spirit of the law can only be resuscitated if individuals and bodies have the courage to act not only for their own good, but also for the general good.

 Part 7 end.


Application before the European Court of Human Rights (5)


Part One

Part two

Part three 

Part four


On the one hand, with hundreds of laws, legal proceedings and rules, politicians try to keep a grip on everything, while on the other hand, the financial economy is without structure. The undersigned once attempted to clarify this in a pamphlet, the politico-economic illusion:


It shows how 'paperprofit' by businesses leads to the production of more new 'laws and rules' by the government. But in fact we play hide-and-seek behind these paper 'truths', without taking responsibility.

That we cannot take responsibility is somehow logical because what is this all about? About apples or about bureaucratising added value? Moreover, taking responsibility is not interesting economically speaking, because, as a rule, it involves an increase in costs. If possible, you try to pass on the costs to an abstract whole, which has a favourable effect on your profit margin. Obviously, the authorities will eventually find out that something is wrong, so they will devise a new law or rule. Thus, the game of cat and mouse goes on.

The apple should just become an apple again and a euro a euro. But as T.S. Eliot said:Humankind cannot bear much reality.

To be perfectly clear, nobody finds it easy to get their head around this:


We, the government, businesses and the financial world, have created a mechanism based on a trick of creative accounting. Our current political and economic system is in reality one huge accounting scandal. We cling like religious fundamentalists to eternal book (paper) profit, thereby losing sight of daily reality and our responsibilities. From a political perspective, this is a social/liberal delusion, in which the socialists want to use this paper profit for the benefit of society, and the liberals to reward individual initiative. Surprisingly, both suffer from the same malady, that is, their faith in this non-existent paper profit.

Source: The political-economic Decoy, 2004


Nowadays, we all depend on bureaucratic reward. In 2009, Jacques Attali described a G20 meeting in London as: a meeting of alcoholics in a bar. Let me be clear, we are all addicted to our dose of bureaucratic reward, our purchasing power, bringing in more than we actually contribute. Is it possible to return the economic system to some form of natural balance? Without actually questioning the economic dogmas of growth and profit, this seems impossible to me. But what is the real problem in these proceedings?

What has gone wrong, theoretically and hence practically speaking, in the course of time?


Great thinkers all recognised the dangers of concentrating power in a relatively small group of people. From different angles and in different contexts, the “big three” have all given their vision of this: Montesquieu (1689 – 1755,) Adam Smith (1723 –1790) and Karl Marx (1818 – 1883.)


Montesquieu could perhaps be considered the founder of the political separation of powers. Adam Smith knew that an economy profits from individual initiative and maximum participation, with the result that economic communication remains in balance because of mutual competition. Adam Smith can, in a sense, be seen as wanting to keep the economic concentration of power under control by means of a kind of “economic separation of powers”. Mergers and the endless buying up of companies is at odds with this. How can you sum up Karl Marx’s ideas? Maybe he can be regarded as the scientific founder of “social equality”. The isolated role of money in society has alienated man from this social equality so that he lives in a kind of permanent and anxious isolated exile.


For me, these basic precepts do not contradict each other. Rather, they are complementary and integral. It would seem as if we have taken the separation of powers too literally. In the sense of: we are responsible for this and now you are trying to cast doubt on our independent way of working. I don’t interfere in your business either, do I? What I am trying to say is that the separation of powers has taken on dogmatic/technocratic features, and, as a result, the comparative outsider no longer has access to the place that theoretically regards each human being as equal. It makes little difference whether this concerns politics, the economy or the judiciary. By delegating this, specialists/winners keep you at arm’s length because you are, basically, a danger to the “establishment”. Money reinforces the separation of powers, because if you have money today, you let that money communicate for you and you yourself remain inviolable. At the same time, money has reduced the dependence of others, which, in many cases, is extremely positive. The real political and economical trick is to strike a dynamic balance between these. If the market of politics, the law and economics are a meeting of equals with different responsibilities, then we must leave our ivory towers (the technocratic separation of powers) to safeguard what unites us, and we should all, on the basis of our own responsibilities, watch over and strengthen this meeting of “equals”. This can only come from the inside, awareness is not something that you can impose on others.


In my first letter to Prime Minister Balkenende (2 May 2006), I wrote the following in the appendix:


The economy is nothing other than a form of social communication and, therefore, the most important building block of democracy. A lasting reform will only be possible when we show the courage and the will to democratise the economy.



Part 6


Montesquieu et la séparation des poivoirs

Affaire Karachi : obstruction à la justice ou séparation des pouvoirs ?
envoyé par LCP-AN. - L'actualité du moment en vidéo.



Nous vivons une période très troublant dans une absence presque totale de l'état, l'état de droit, gouvernement et nous même la démocratie.

Montesquieu un très grand penseur français et son héritage est violé chroniquement par notre petits intérêt personel en se cachent derière l'analyse de Montesquieu.

Mais qu'est qu'était l'espirit des pensées de montesquieu?

La même pour Adam Smith, son analyse pour 'la concurrence parfait' était dans la même sens que la séparations des pouvoirs selon Montesquieu. Adam Smith pour l'économie et Montequieu pour l'état.

Pourquoi nous sommes aujourd'hui dans un context ou l'abus de pouvoir est notre réaction primaire instinctive gui gère notre société dans presque toutes les domaines: Politique, Justice, Commerce, Science, Media  et Démocratie?

Comment sortir cette circle viscieux?!

Nous sommes prit en otage par notre propre fonctionnement un combinaison entre hiérarchisation et concurrence mutelle qui fait l'intégration impossible. L'idée derrière ces séparations des pouvoirs par Montesquieu et Adam Smith nous avons mis au poubelle.

Cette abus de pouvoir on trouve dans notre priorité principal de notre société. Si nous transformons cette priorité dans quelques chose que nous partageons tous, la changement constructive devient possible.

 Même sujet sur le forum de ce soir ou jamais plus accentué sur Adam Smith.